India's decision to abstain on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) vote that 'deplores in strongest terms' Russia's aggression against Ukraine reflects the tough spot New Delhi finds itself in. Balancing its commitment to sovereignty, peace and dialogue with the need to walk a fine line to maintain its relationships with Russia and the US was awkward, but the need of the hour. At the same time, India has rightly stepped up its diplomatic efforts with Narendra Modi speaking with Vladimir Putin in an effort to make the Kremlin climb down as well as ensuring the safety of Indian citizens in war-wracked Ukraine. New Delhi has also maintained communication with this war's victim: Kyiv. This is commendable.
Russia's invasion of Ukraine is deplorable. India, however, cannot take an open position not just because Russia is a long-standing partner and a key military supplier, but also because of the growing closeness between Moscow and Beijing - and Islamabad through the side door. China's abstention on the UNSC vote, however, has made India's position vis-a-vis both Washington and Moscow stand out less, which is helpful. In this context, India's abstention should not be read as support for Russia's war, but a continued insistence that resolution be sought through negotiations, underlined by India's call for the immediate cessation of violence and resumption of dialogue between Moscow and Kyiv.
As India seeks to play a global role in a multipolar world, it will be increasingly facing similar situations that will require New Delhi to carefully consider trade-offs and realise that foreign policy is not a zero-sum game. This will not always mean maintaining 'non-alignment', but developing a unique case-by-case approach without waiting for the clock to run out. Post-invasion efforts and outreach by India exemplify this. India needs to be less reactive and develop a proactive approach that can take into account the national circumstances that underwrite external positions - and to communicate this better to the world at large.
Russia's invasion of Ukraine is deplorable. India, however, cannot take an open position not just because Russia is a long-standing partner and a key military supplier, but also because of the growing closeness between Moscow and Beijing - and Islamabad through the side door. China's abstention on the UNSC vote, however, has made India's position vis-a-vis both Washington and Moscow stand out less, which is helpful. In this context, India's abstention should not be read as support for Russia's war, but a continued insistence that resolution be sought through negotiations, underlined by India's call for the immediate cessation of violence and resumption of dialogue between Moscow and Kyiv.
As India seeks to play a global role in a multipolar world, it will be increasingly facing similar situations that will require New Delhi to carefully consider trade-offs and realise that foreign policy is not a zero-sum game. This will not always mean maintaining 'non-alignment', but developing a unique case-by-case approach without waiting for the clock to run out. Post-invasion efforts and outreach by India exemplify this. India needs to be less reactive and develop a proactive approach that can take into account the national circumstances that underwrite external positions - and to communicate this better to the world at large.
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